The people’s mandate in favour of the Bharatiya Janata Party has consolidated the aggressive, masculine, and religious majoritarianism of the “new India” cherished by the Sangh Parivar. This further squeezed the little public space available for the marginalised sections of the society, especially Muslims. The formation of a group of compromised citizens who are ready to give up their social and political rights for the right to live is burgeoning in the state.
Autobiographies and memoirs of Ashraf Muslims reveal that in their perception and presentation of the issues of Muslims vis-à-vis the state/democracy, secularism becomes a dominant concern, while the question of caste among Muslims is pushed to oblivion.
With 80 Lok Sabha seats, Uttar Pradesh is easily the focus of political speculation and observation. This article looks at how the dynamics between various stakeholders are playing out in the campaigning and polls in the state.
A lot of hype has been created around the Swachh Bharat Abhiyaan. But funding from sources such as the corporate social responsibility coffer is wholly inadequate. Moreover, reliance on public-private partnerships without strengthening the capabilities of the existing public agencies in the field through adequate budget allocations and proper training of personnel is a sure sign that the ambitious 2019 target for drinking water supply and sanitation is not going to be met.
In keeping with the Mandal Commission's recommendation only 84 out of the 172 Muslim castes have been included into the central Other Backward Classes list. Those who were included in the list have been unable to compete with the other constituents in the lists. There is thus a demand from the Muslim community for an amendment in the reservation policy. This paper analyses the rationale behind the demand for reservation and the interlocking arguments and counterarguments. It also attempts to look at the activities of the pressure groups that shaped the demand for reservation by backward Muslims.
