Sujit Kumar

The Jharkhand statehood movement was anchored in the “Jharkhandi” identity acquiring different dimensions over a period of 65 years. However, with the state formation in 2000, the identity question was relocated mostly to the civil society from the political space. But, at least since 2019, Hemant Soren has reintroduced the Jharkhandi identity back in the political discourse of Jharkhand by demanding a separate Sarna religion for Adivasis, 1932 land records as the basis of domicile and reservation in state jobs beyond “accepted” limits. A possible implication of this move is the consolidation of the Moolvasi (Adivasi and Sadan) votes for the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha.

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Coding the Indigenous

Vol. 57, Issue No. 15, 09 Apr, 2022

Sujit Kumar

While the religious code will undoubtedly create an imagined community by identifying common traits of spirituality among the Scheduled Tribes, challenges are bound to appear due to the presence of Adivasis from other religions as well as the plurality in Adivasi discourse. To overcome this challenge, community leaders will require to create a consensus based on grounded realities.

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Muzzling Artistic Liberty and Protesting Anti-conversion Bill in Jharkhand

Vol. 54, Issue No. 2, 12 Jan, 2019

Sujit Kumar

Adivasi culture is fluid in nature, with the scope for imitation of other cultures and a significant inclination towards its own socio-religious practices. The common tropes of this culture and identity are more of a political construct and are used as a potent tool to unite against external forces. These constructs are analysed in light of the response by civil society, the government, and Adivasi communities to the book The Adivasi Will Not Dance: Stories by Hansda Sowvendra Shekhar.

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Changing Equations of Jharkhand Adivasi Politics

Vol. 50, Issue No. 23, 06 Jun, 2015

Sujit Kumar

An analysis of the Jharkhand assembly elections held in 2014 helps us understand the discourse of Adivasi politics in the state and throws light on the assertions about the receding space for Adivasi politics and the declining significance of regional parties. Examining the verdict in 28 assembly constituencies reserved for Scheduled Tribes, this article argues that rather than losing their ground, Jharkhand-based parties have succeeded in consolidating their position in tribal-dominated areas.