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De facto Privatisation in Education and Populist Budgets
This article examines de facto privatisation and populist budgets of the central and Delhi state governments. The delay in releasing grants to 12 constituent colleges of the University of Delhi shows a correspondence between privatisation and populism in implementing the National Education Policy 2020, thus resulting in socio-economic inequality and a delay in achieving the Sustainable Development Goal 4, namely quality and inclusive education for all.
The Indian finance minister in her Budget 2022–23 speech has reiterated the use of term “amrit kaal” (a vedic astrology word that means most auspicious period) on completing 100 years of India’s independence in 2047 (GOI 2022a)1 by making the necessary provisions in every sector of the economy. In this article, the Budget 2022–23 is examined for its provisions in education as a chronological move taken by the budgetary provisions made in the Delhi state Budget 2021–22 to develop a “deshbhakti” (patriotic) curriculum for quality education, reflecting a populist perspective.2 This article examines the budgetary claims for development made by the central and Delhi state governments by downsizing the funding in education.
A closer look at budgetary claims entails a conflicting story of juxtaposing a national narrative in domestic sphere against the nation’s narrative on international platform, that is, when it comes to achieving Sustainable Development Goal 4 (SDG 4) —quality and inclusive education for all, by following the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, which pushes for greater privatisation in education sector. Further, the Budget 2022–23 also promises to open a digital university to promote digitalisation in the already digitally divided Indian society (People Archive of Rural India 2021).
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